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Byzantine economy : ウィキペディア英語版
Byzantine economy

The Byzantine economy was among the most robust economies in the Mediterranean for many centuries. Constantinople was a prime hub in a trading network that at various times extended across nearly all of Eurasia and North Africa. Some scholars argue that, up until the arrival of the Arabs in the 7th century, the Eastern Roman Empire had the most powerful economy in the world. The Arab conquests, however, would represent a substantial reversal of fortunes contributing to a period of decline and stagnation. Constantine V's reforms (c. 765) marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204. From the 10th century until the end of the 12th, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of luxury, and the travelers were impressed by the wealth accumulated in the capital. All this changed with the arrival of the Fourth Crusade, which was an economic catastrophe. The Palaiologoi tried to revive the economy, but the late Byzantine state would not gain full control of either the foreign or domestic economic forces.
One of the economic foundations of the empire was trade. The state strictly controlled both the internal and the international trade, and retained the monopoly of issuing coinage. Constantinople remained the single most important commercial centre of Europe for much of the Medieval era, which it held until the Republic of Venice slowly began to overtake Byzantine merchants in trade; first through tax exemption under the Komnenoi, then under the Latin Empire.
==Economic and fiscal history==
The Eastern Roman economy suffered less from the Barbarian raids that plagued the Western Roman Empire. Under Diocletian's reign, the Eastern Roman Empire's annual revenue was at 9,400,000 ''solidi'', out of a total of 18,000,000 ''solidi'' for the entire Roman Empire.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 144〕 These estimates can be compared to the AD 150 annual revenue of 14,500,000 ''solidi'' and the AD 215 of 22,000,000 ''solidi''. By the end of Marcian's reign, the annual revenue for the Eastern empire was 7,800,000 ''solidi'', thus allowing him to amass about 100,000 pounds of gold or 7,200,000 ''solidi'' for the imperial treasury.〔 Warren Treadgold estimates that during the period from Diocletian to Marcian, the Eastern Empire's population and agriculture declined a bit, but not much. Actually, the few preserved figures that the largest eastern cities grew somewhat between the 3rd and 5th centuries.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 139〕 By Marcian's reign the Eastern Empire's difficulties seem to have been easing, and the population had probably begun growing for the first time in centuries.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 146〕
The wealth of Constantinople can be seen by how Justin I used pounds of gold just for celebrating his own consulship. By the end of his reign, Anastasius I had managed to collect for the treasury an amount of 23,000,000 ''solidi'' or 320,000 pounds of gold. At the start of Justinian I's reign, the Emperor had inherited a surplus from Anastasius I and Justin I.〔Harl, (Finances under Justinian ).〕 Before Justinian I's reconquests the state had an annual revenue of ''solidi'', which further increased after his reconquests in 550.〔 Nevertheless, Justinian I had little money left towards the end of his reign partly because of the Justinian Plague, and the Roman–Persian Wars (Justinian spent large amounts of money in annual subsidies to the Sassanian Empire〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Early Centuries'', 195, 229,260〕), which both harmed the economy. In addition to these expenses, the rebuilding of Hagia Sophia cost pounds of gold.〔Heather, ''The Fall of the Roman Empire'', 283〕 Subsidies to enemy states were also paid by Justinian's successors: Justin II was forced to pay 80,000 silver coins to the Avars for peace; his wife Sophia paid 45,000 ''solidi'' to Khosrau I in return for a year's truce,〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Early Centuries'', 269〕 and then Tiberius II Constantine gave away pounds of gold each year for four years. Since Emperor Heraclius changed the empire's official language from Latin to Greek in around 620, the ''solidus'' (plural: ''solidi'') would thereafter be known by its Greek name, the ''nomisma'' (plural: ''nomismata'').〔(K. Harl )〕
The Byzantine-Arab Wars reduced the territory of the Empire to a third in the 7th century and the economy slumped; in 780 the Byzantine Empire's revenues were reduced to only ''nomismata''. From the 8th century onward the Empire's economy improved dramatically. This was a blessing for Byzantium in more than one way; the economy, the administration of gold coinage and the farming of the Anatolian peninsula served to meet the military's constant demands. Since Byzantium was in a constant state of warfare with her neighbours (even if only by raiding) the military required weapons to be manufactured by the bigger cities (such as Thessaloniki) whilst the smaller towns were subject to grain, wine and even biscuit requisitions by Imperial officers. Even though the soldiers' pay was minimal large armies were a considerable strain on Byzantium. As gold coins were spent on soldiers to serve in the army, these would in time spend their money acquiring their own goods and much revenue would return to the state in the form of taxation. As a result, the Byzantine economy was self-sufficient, allowing it to thrive in the Dark Ages. The success of the Byzantine army was in no small part due to the success of her economy.
Around 775, the land and head taxes yielded an estimated 1,600,000 ''nomismata'' annually for the empire. Commerce during this period slumped, therefore only contributing 200,000 ''nomismata'' annually. The expenditures of the period were quite large when compared to the annual revenues. Approximately 600,000 ''nomismata'' went to the payroll of the army annually while other military costs took another 600,000 ''nomismata'' annually. Supporting the Byzantine bureaucracy needed 400,000 ''nomismata''. Also, imperial largess cost the treasury 100,000 ''nomismata'' every year. All of these expenses meant that the Byzantine government had only about 100,000 ''nomismata'' in surplus revenue each year for treaties, bribes, or gifts.〔(Harl )〕
Expenses again soared, when a massive Muslim army invaded the empire in 806, forcing Nikephoros I to pay a ransom of gold coins and a yearly tribute of gold coins.〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Early Centuries'', 6〕 In order to impress the Caliph of Baghdad, Theophilos distributed 36,000 gold coins to the citizens of Baghdad, and in 838, he was forced to pay gold dinars to the Caliph. The Byzantine economic recovery in the early 9th century can be seen by the fact that Emperor Theophilos was able to leave 7,000,000 ''nomismata'' in the imperial treasury for his successor in 842.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 445〕 After Theophilos' death his wife Theodora II continued his successful policies and even increased the imperial reserves to 7,848,000 ''nomismata'', but unfortunately under their son Michael III the reserves dwindled to about 100,000 ''nomismata''.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 450〕 However, under Basil I's prudent economic policies, the state quickly raised 4,300,000 ''nomismata'', far more even than the empire's annual revenue of ''nomismata''.〔 Sviatoslav I was paid pounds of gold by Nikephoros II to invade Bulgaria in 968. By the time of Basil II's death in 1025, the annual income had increased to ''nomismata'', which allowed him to amass a large surplus of 14,400,000 ''nomismata'' (200,000 pounds of gold) in the treasury for his successor.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 577〕
Around 850, the land and head taxes yielded an estimated 2,900,000 ''nomismata'' annually for the empire. Commerce during this period increased dramatically, therefore contributing 400,000 ''nomismata'' annually. The expenditures of the period were large, but manageable by the treasury. Approximately 1,400,000 ''nomismata'' went to the payroll of the army annually while other military costs took another 800,000 ''nomismata'' annually. Supporting the Byzantine bureaucracy needed 500,000 ''nomismata''. Also, imperial largess cost the treasury 100,000 ''nomismata'' every year. All of these expenses meant that the Byzantine government had about 500,000 ''nomismata'' in surplus revenue each year, much more than in the 8th century.〔
From the 10th century, however, until the end of the twelfth, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of wealth and luxury. Constantine V's reforms (c. 765) marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204.〔Magdalino, ''Medieval Constantinople'', 3〕 The travelers who visited its capital were impressed by the wealth accumulated in Constantinople; riches that also served the state's diplomatic purposes as a means of propaganda, and a way to impress foreigners as well its own citizens. When Liutprand of Cremona was sent as an ambassador to the Byzantine capital in the 940s, he was overwhelmed by the imperial residence, the luxurious meals, and acrobatic entertainment.〔Laiou, ''Writing the Economic History of Byzantium'', 3
* Neumann, ''Sublime Diplomacy'', 870-871〕 Nevertheless, the Byzantine economy went into a long decline until the Comnenian Dynasty was able to revive the economy. In the aftermath of the Battle of Manzikert, Alp Arslan at first suggested to Emperor Romanos IV a ransom of gold coins, but later reduced it to gold coins with a further gold coins annually.〔Norwich, ''A Short History of Byzantium'', 241〕
In exchange for an alliance, Alexios I sent gold coins to Emperor Henry IV.〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Decline and Fall'', 21〕 The wealth of the empire under the Comnenians can be seen by how Emperor Manuel I was able to ransom some Latin prisoners from the Muslims for dinars, then dinars for Bohemond III in 1165, dinars for Raynald of Châtillon, and dinars for Baldwin of Ibelin in 1180.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 43〕 When Manuel became emperor he ordered 2 gold coins to be given to every householder in Constantinople and 200 pounds of gold (including 200 silver coins annually) to be given to the Byzantine Church.〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Decline and Fall'', 88〕 When his niece Theodora married King Baldwin III of Jerusalem in 1157, Manuel gave her a dowry of gold coins, gold coins for marriage expenses, and presents (jewels and silk garments) which were worth gold coins total.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 108〕 The expense of Manuel's involvement in Italy must have cost the treasury a great deal (probably more than 2,160,000 ''hyperpyra'' or pounds of gold).〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 643〕 Then he also promised to pay pounds of gold to the Pope and the Curia. During his reign, Manuel bought a very rich jewel (for silver marks) which was used during the coronation of the Latin Emperor Baldwin I.〔T. Madden, ''Crusades: The Illustrated History'', 114〕 The main source of the state's wealth in the 12th century was the ''kommerkion'', a customs duty levied at Constantinople on all imports and exports, which was stated to have collected ''hyperpyra'' each day.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 25-26〕 This, combined with other sources of income, meant the empire's annual revenue was at 5,600,000 ''hyperpyra'' in 1150.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 705〕 Under the Komnenian emperors, many exemptions of trade duties were given to the Italian traders, which meant the loss of about 50,000 ''hyperpyra'' annually.〔 A Venetian embassy visited Constantinople in 1184 and an agreement was reached that compensation of 1,500 pounds of gold (or 108,000 ''hyperpyra'') would be paid for the losses incurred in 1171.〔J. Phillips, ''The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople'', 133〕 By the end of Manuel I's reign the amount of money used to maintain the Komnenian imperial family is said to be able to maintain an army of 100,000 men.〔George Finlay, ''A History of Greece: The Byzantine and Greek empires, pt. 2, A.D. 1057-1453'', 150〕
After the demise of the Komnenoi, the Byzantine economy declined under the impact of several factors: the dismemberment of the Empire after 1204, the successive territorial losses to the Turks (although the strong economic interaction of Byzantine territories with those lost by the Empire continued), and the Italian expansion in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.〔Jakoby, ''The Economy of Late Byzantium'', 81〕 When Isaac II Angelos became Emperor in 1185, a mob broke into the palace and carried off pounds of gold, pounds of silver, and 20,000 pounds of bronze coins.〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Decline and Fall'', 153〕 In 1195, Holy Roman Emperor Henry VI forced Byzantine Emperor Alexios III Angelos to pay him a tribute of pounds of gold (originally pounds of gold) and in 1204 Alexios III took pounds of gold (or 72,000 ''hyperpyra'') when he fled Constantinople.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 148-149; Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Decline and Fall'', 163〕 The presence of the crusading army not only culminated in a violent sack that dispersed and destroyed the accumulated wealth, and culture of centuries, but was accompanied by a series of fires that ravaged the northern and central sections of the city resulting in a steady exodus of the city's residents to the Greek centers of government in exile. The sack of Constantinople by Latin crusaders in 1204 was an economic catastrophe. Due to the financial crisis, the state could only pay silver marks ( pounds of pure silver) out of silver marks (equivalent to 800,000 ''hyperpyra'') to the Crusaders in 1204.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of Byzantine State and Society'', 663〕 The official tally of plunder from Constantinople was about silver marks, the equivalent of about 3,600,000 ''hyperpyra'' or 50,000 pounds of gold.〔〔Konstam, ''Historical Atlas of The Crusades'', 162〕 The impoverished Latin emperors melted down statues for coin, while the Venetians exported their declining profits, along with choice relics and architecture spolia for their churches. In 1237, Latin Emperor Baldwin II pawned the Crown of Thorns to a Venetian merchant for gold coins.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 170〕
By the time the Palaiologoi took power, Italian merchants had come to dominate the trade by sea whilst Turkic incursions prevented any success from trade across roads. Michael VIII Palaiologos strove to restore the capital's greatness, but the resources of the empire were inadequate. In 1282, Michael VIII was forced to drain the treasury to pay the enormous bribe of ''hyperpyra'' to King Peter III of Aragon to invade the Kingdom of Sicily.〔Harris, ''Byzantium and The Crusades'', 180〕 Constantinople became once more, as in the seventh and eighth centuries, a ruralized network of scattered nuclei; in the final decades before the fall, the population numbered people.〔Magdalino, ''Medieval Constantinople'', 535-536〕 Gradually, the state also lost its influence on the modalities of trade and the price mechanisms, and its control over the outflow of precious metals and, according to some scholars, even over the minting of coins.〔Matschke, ''Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money'', 805-806〕 By 1303, the empire's annual revenue dropped to less than 1,800,000 ''hyperpyra'', under Andronikos II Palaiologos. In 1321, only with extreme effort was Andonikos II able to raise revenues to 1,000,000 ''hyperpyra''.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 750〕
The Byzantine economy had declined so much that by 1343, Empress Anne of Savoy had to pawn the Byzantine crown jewels for Venetian ducats, which was the equivalent of 60,000 ''hyperpyra''.〔W. Treadgold, ''A History of the Byzantine State and Society'', 768〕 In 1348, Constantinople had an annual revenue of ''hyperpyra'' while across the Golden Horn in the Genoese colony of Galata, the annual revenue was ''hyperpyra''. When Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos attempted to rebuild the Byzantine navy, he was only able to raise an inadequate ''hyperpyra''. In 1453, the economy of the Genoan quarter in Constantinople had a revenue 7 times greater than that of the whole Empire — not even a shadow of its former self. The only success during this period was when the Republic of Genoa agreed to pay a war indemnity of ''hyperpyra'' in 1349. When Emperor John V Palaiologos was captured by Ivan Alexander in 1366, he was forced to pay a ransom of florins. In 1370, the empire owed Venice, ''hyperpyra'' (of which only ''hyperpyra'' had so far been paid) for damage done to Venetian property.〔Norwich, ''Byzantium: The Decline and Fall'', 334〕 In February 1424, Manuel II Palaiologos signed an unfavorable peace treaty with the Ottoman Turks, whereby the Byzantine Empire was forced to pay silver coins to the Sultan on annual basis. Emperor Constantine XI owed Venice 17,163 ''hyperpyra'' when he died in 1453.〔Nicolle, ''Constantinople 1453: The End of Byzantium'', 84〕
The exact amount of annual income the Byzantine government received, is a matter of considerable debate, due to the scantness and ambiguous nature of the primary sources. The following table contains approximate estimates.

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